ACLED https://acleddata.com/ Bringing Clarity to Crisis Wed, 12 Jul 2023 15:00:52 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Infographic: Journalists Under Attack https://acleddata.com/2023/07/11/infographic-journalists-under-attack/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=infographic-journalists-under-attack Tue, 11 Jul 2023 15:03:23 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51446

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Journalists are facing high levels of political violence. The threat worsened in 20202, with ACLED recording nearly 520 incidents of violence targeting journalists around the world, up from just over 460 in 2021. Attacks were reported in at least 78 countries. Among those with the highest levels of violence, Mexico, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan top the list for the second consecutive year, accounting for 46, 46, and 38 events, respectively. 

Infographic showing various statistics covering attacks on journalists around the world

Mexico and Bangladesh experienced increases of 44% and 64% in 2022 compared to 2021, on the back of increased targeting by gangs and political party-affiliated perpetrators, respectively. Meanwhile, violence targeting journalists in Afghanistan remained at similar levels in 2022 to 2021 amid ongoing Taliban repression. The largest increase in violence targeting journalists was recorded in Ukraine, where ACLED records 35 such events in 2022 — an over three-fold increase compared with 2021. These events included direct attacks against journalists covering the war, mostly by occupying Russian forces, and shelling on both sides of the Line of Contact. Russian forces also routinely abducted journalists, mostly in the occupied parts of the Kherson and Zaporizhia regions in southern Ukraine.

Globally, the perpetrators of this violence are diverse, with state forces, violent mobs, and political militias among the most prevalent perpetrators, accounting for 26%, 22%, and 11% of events, respectively. However, many of the perpetrators of violence targeting journalists remain hidden, with more than a quarter of events perpetrated by unidentified armed groups. Though some of this obscurity arises from reporting gaps or the complexity of individual conflict environments, much is deliberately anonymous. In this sense, the use of unidentified actors to perpetrate attacks allow the orchestrators of these attacks to conceal their own identities and motives, and allow for greater impunity. 

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Kenya Situation Update: July 2023 | Al-Shabaab Attacks Surge Ahead of Somalia-Kenya Border Reopening https://acleddata.com/2023/07/07/kenya-situation-update-july-2023-al-shabaab-attacks-surge-ahead-of-somalia-kenya-border-reopening/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=kenya-situation-update-july-2023-al-shabaab-attacks-surge-ahead-of-somalia-kenya-border-reopening Fri, 07 Jul 2023 17:11:08 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51403 Analysis of the latest political violence and protest trends in Somalia, as of June 2023.

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Situation Update | July 2023

Kenya: Al-Shabaab Attacks Surge Ahead of Somalia-Kenya Border Reopening

7 July 2023

Kenya at a Glance: 3-30 June 2023

VITAL TRENDS

  • ACLED records nearly 100 political violence events and approximately 70 fatalities in Kenya during the reporting period. Al-Shabaab activity accounted for over 17% of all political violence.
  • Garissa county had the highest number of fatalities, with at least 14 during the reporting period. Mandera and Lamu counties followed, with at least eight and seven, respectively. Al-Shabaab activity contributed to nearly half all reported fatalities.
  • The most common event type was riots, with over 60 events, followed by protests, with over 50 events. Vigilante groups were involved in more than half the riot events in Kenya during the reporting period.

Al-Shabaab Attacks Surge Ahead of Somalia-Kenya Border Reopening

Al-Shabaab’s violent activity grew significantly in June, with militants launching over a dozen attacks targeting security forces and civilians. The attacks took place at a crucial moment, as Somalia and Kenya have entered into an agreement to reopen the border points closed since 2011, and the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) begins to withdraw its troops from Somalia.1 These developments have raised fears of a further escalation of violence in the coming months. The heightened al-Shabaab activity in Kenya comes after the launch of a counter-insurgency operation in Somalia, which has reportedly driven out militants to neighboring countries. Moreover, the recent rainfall in northern Kenya has enriched the vegetation, thus providing better hideouts for militants.2 This report discusses the types of attacks and regions affected based on ACLED data. It also explores reasons for the escalation of militant activity, and concludes with a discussion of the government response.  

Al-Shabaab Patterns of Violence

ACLED records 19 political violence incidents involving al-Shabaab in June – a nearly twofold increase compared to the monthly average this year (see graph below). For comparison, in June 2022, only eight political violence events involving al-Shabaab were recorded, while 11 and three were recorded in June 2021 and 2020, respectively. The current attacks have reportedly left at least 26 security officers dead and dozens injured. The majority of events are carried out through remotely activated weapons, such as improvised explosive devices (IEDs). In recent years, IEDs have become al-Shabaab’s weapon of choice, as IED materials are sourced locally and are easy to construct and transport.3 While the main targets of militant attacks have been Kenyan security forces, four instances of violence targeting civilians by al-Shabaab have also been recorded, resulting in at least eight reported fatalities.

Almost half the recorded political violence involving al-Shabaab occurred in Mandera county, which borders Gedo region in Somalia. Al-Shabaab activity was also recorded in Wajir and Garissa counties in the northeastern region of Kenya, as well as Lamu in the coastal region. In Banissa sub-county in Mandera, al-Shabaab militants launched an attack on a police base in Guba town on 19 June. Police forces repelled the attack. The following day, militants targeted a police vehicle escorting a public service vehicle in the town, reportedly killing at least two officers and a civilian. A police rescue team was deployed to the area in response but was also targeted by the militants.

In Garissa and Lamu counties, al-Shabaab used IEDs in their attack against security forces. In Garissa county – where the most reported fatalities were recorded – an IED attack by militants targeted military forces patrolling along the Garissa-Lamu border. The detonation destroyed their vehicle and reportedly killed at least eight soldiers. Following the attack, police reservists clashed with the militants in the area, incurring casualties. Police reservists are recruited from locals to bolster security by supplementing regular police in ‘hostile’ areas for their familiarity with the local terrain. They have been involved in fighting pastoralist militias in the North Rift region, and al-Shabaab militants in the counties bordering Somalia.4

Similar incidents were also reported in Lamu West sub-county as two subsequent IED attacks between Pandanguo and Witu reportedly resulted in over a dozen casualties among Kenyan security officers. The violence also targeted civilians in Lamu West sub-county. On 24 June, a group of over 30 men – identifying themselves as ‘Original al-Shabaab’ – attacked the villages of Salama and Juhudi near the Witu Forest and reportedly killed five men, including a student. The militants have reportedly created hideouts in the Witu Forest, where they also hold their abductees.5 The map below illustrates the spatial distribution of al-Shabaab’s activity in June across eastern Kenya.

What is Behind the Surge in Militant Attacks?

Kenya has contributed to security operations against al-Shabaab since October 2011, when it sent troops to Somalia following a spate of cross-border attacks.6 Beginning in 2012, it also contributed troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia, and its successor, ATMIS.7 Moreover, a few months ago, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti vowed to send additional troops to support the counter-insurgency operation against the group.8 The offensive against al-Shabaab included increased bombardments of militants’ hideouts and re-capturing strategic al-Shabaab strongholds in Somalia (for more on the counter-insurgency operation, see ACLED’s Somalia country hub). 

The offensive has reportedly dislodged groups of al-Shabaab militants from Somalia, forcing them to take refuge in neighboring Kenya.9 Moreover, the recent rainfall in northern Kenya has improved vegetation cover in the grazing areas, providing better hideouts for militants.10 This has made it an opportune time for al-Shabaab to move across the border and escalate their attacks against Kenyan security forces. Reports of al-Shabaab militants crossing the border and making movements in Mandera and Wajir counties emerged beginning in May. 

The recent simultaneous changes in the National Intelligence Service and the Directorate of Military Intelligence by President William Ruto may have left a security void that the militants are exploiting to launch attacks.11 For instance, an intelligence report on 11 June warned of impending attacks against security officials. No measures, however, were adopted to prevent the attacks, including the attack along the Garissa-Lamu border, which claimed the lives of eight police officers.12 Additionally, security officers are rendered vulnerable targets for al-Shabaab attacks as they lack access to sophisticated equipment. For example, IEDs cause severe damage to both the Mine Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicles and Armored Personnel Carriers currently available to security forces.13 The recent budget cuts have also impacted the officers at the frontline, who have not reportedly received their stipends and feel ‘abandoned.’14 There are also claims of intelligence leakage to militants, particularly on the movement of security forces, which have not been confirmed.15 

In May, Kenya and Somalia agreed to reopen three border crossings in Mandera, Lamu, and Garissa for the first time since they were closed in 2011 to curb attacks by the militants on Kenyan soil.16 The measure is expected to enhance security cooperation, boost trade, and increase cross-border movement.17 The two countries had planned to reopen the border points in three phases by mid-August,18 but Kenya has recently decided to delay the reopening for an unspecified period until the security threats are neutralized.19 Some sources claim that business cartels that smuggle goods like sugar have used the militants to stir fear and prevent the reopening of the border, which would impact their illicit business activities.20 Others claim that the attacks likely aim to curtail government efforts to open up the affected areas for development as al-Shabaab has been long exploiting the marginalization of people living in those areas to recruit militants.21 The government, however, has dismissed links between the reopening of the border points and the heightened al-Shabaab activity.22 

Government Response

The Kenyan government has constructed 14 fully equipped forward operating bases along the Kenya-Somalia border in preparation for reopening the border and the withdrawal of ATMIS forces from Somalia.23 In addition, it has announced its commitment to providing security forces with sophisticated equipment, such as armored personnel carriers capable of detecting explosives, in the coming months.24 Security agencies have also been leveraging tip-offs from local elders and information on how to deal with the militants.25 This approach aims to go beyond the militant security challenges, to also tackle issues around inter-clan clashes.26 Finally, the Kenyan government has indicated its readiness to extend its stay in Somalia along with Uganda and Ethiopia past the end of the ATMIS mandate in December 2024.27 However, even if effective, these measures will likely take a long time to bear fruit as the government remains under criticism for its failure to curb al-Shabaab activity in areas bordering Somalia. According to ACLED’s CAST predictions, the increase in violence in eastern counties is likely to continue in July 2023. The government has launched an operation along the border, which will likely result in sustained levels of violence in the area in the short term.28

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Regional Overview: Asia-Pacific | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-asia-pacific-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-asia-pacific-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 20:02:25 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51363 Analysis of the latest trends in political violence and disorder across the Asia-Pacific region in June 2023.

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Regional Overview
Asia-Pacific
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

Cambodia: Crackdown on opposition before July elections

Ahead of the general election on 23 July, the Cambodian government has cracked down on the political opposition, independent media, and civil society in the country. While this has triggered some demonstration activity, repression under Prime Minister Hun Sen has limited people’s ability to protest. This repression can be seen in Hun Sen’s recent threats of violence on Facebook against those who question his party’s vote-buying in recent local elections; the threats led the social media company to recommend the suspension of his account in June.1 In May, the main opposition party, the Candlelight Party, was disqualified from running in the upcoming elections for ostensibly failing to submit a verified copy of its original party registration document to the Ministry of Interior. However, the motivation for the disqualification has been widely seen as political. In February, the operating license of Voice of Democracy (VOD), a media outlet providing coverage of protests and human rights issues, was revoked. The media outlet sparked Hun Sen’s ire after publishing a report critical of his eldest son, Hun Manet.2 The closure of VOD led to a series of protests by those concerned with the ongoing restrictions on freedom of expression.3 Hun Sen’s crackdown has also extended to those advocating for labor rights, as seen by union leader Chhim Sithar’s conviction in May on charges of “incitement.”4 Sithar and other employees of NagaWorld, a casino in Phnom Penh, have been protesting since 2021, demanding to be reinstated and fairly compensated following mass layoffs.5 The NagaWorld protests drove a spike in demonstrations in the country in 2022, with such demonstrations accounting for over 64% of total demonstrations. Nearly half of the NagaWorld demonstrations in 2022 were met with state intervention.

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Bangladesh: Elevated Kuki-Chin National Army violence

Violence in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts region has been at elevated levels since March this year, with over 10 events involving the group reported in the last four months. This violence – concentrated in Bandarban district – is driven in part by events involving the Kuki-Chin National Army (KNA), an armed group demanding the creation of an autonomous state for the Kuki-Chin people within Bangladesh. In June, two military personnel were reportedly killed by IEDs set off by the KNA in Bandarban. The Bangladesh government has cracked down on the KNA since late 2022 amid reports of links between the KNA and the Islamist militant group, Jamatul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya (JAFHS). Authorities allege that the KNA provided arms, training, and shelter to JAFHS in exchange for funding.6 The KNA has denied the allegations.7 On 23 June, police arrested the founder of JAFHS when he was in Dhaka.8 The military crackdown against the KNA has led to an influx of Kuki-Chin refugees into India.9

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Myanmar: Border Guard Force defections amid increased fighting in Kayah state

Political violence increased by over 50% in Kayah state in June relative to May as fighting between the military and resistance forces intensified, augmented by the defection of formerly military-aligned fighters. Fighting was concentrated in Hpasawng and Mese townships. The military increased its use of airstrikes in the state, targeting both resistance groups and civilians alike. Significantly, two previously military-aligned Border Guard Force (BGF) battalions joined resistance forces,10 carrying out attacks and capturing a police station and three military outposts in Mese township on 13 June.11 The two battalions are part of the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF), which split from the Karenni National Progressive Party/Karenni Army (KNPP/KA) in 1978. It later agreed to a ceasefire with the military in 1994. The group then transformed two of its five battalions into BGF battalions under the military’s scheme in 2009.12 The KNPLF has now joined with the KNPP/KA, the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), and the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA) in what has been reportedly called the 4K Alliance.13 The military carried out an airstrike on the KNPLF headquarters four days after the initial clash,14 followed by additional airstrikes on KNPLF bases. On 23 June, the joint forces captured No.13 Border Point, the last strategic hill camp of the military in the area. This reportedly led to the surrender of dozens of military soldiers.15 Towards the end of the month, the military recaptured two BGF outposts that had been seized by resistance forces in the state.16

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Pakistan: TTP increases activity in Balochistan

While violence in Balochistan continued in June at lower levels than in May, instability in Balochistan has enabled non-state actors other than Baloch separatists to make inroads into the province. Notably, events involving the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in Balochistan this year already exceed the seven events recorded for all of 2022. During the first six months of 2023, ACLED records nine political violence events involving the TTP in Balochistan, including the TTP targeting a police vehicle in Dera Murad Jamali town on 9 June.17 Since July 2022, four Baloch groups have joined the TTP, thus allowing it to strengthen its presence in the region.18 Notably, in addition to the wilaya (administrative region) formed in Zhob in 2022, the TTP recently reportedly formed a new wilaya in the Kalat and Makran regions.19 The Tehreek-e-Jihad Pakistan (TJP), a militant group that emerged in February this year, has also become active in Balochistan. During an operation in Chaman tehsil (district subdivision) on 14 June, four TJP militants were reportedly killed in a clash with police.20 While little is known about the group, there is indication they share similar goals with the TTP.21

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Philippines: Two DI-Maute Group leaders killed

Two high-ranking leaders of the Dawlah Islamiyah (DI)-Maute Group, an Islamic State (IS)-inspired group in the Philippines best known for leading a siege on the city of Marawi in 2017,22 were killed in June. Faharudin Hadji Benito Satar, better known as Abu Zachariah, was killed in a military operation in Marawi on 14 June.23 Zachariah had been the emir or highest-ranked leader of IS in Southeast Asia since 202224 and was reportedly among the leaders of the 2017 Marawi siege, a five-month offensive by IS-inspired militants seeking to establish the city as the capital of an IS wilaya in Southeast Asia.25 Another senior DI-Maute Group leader handling finance and logistics was killed in a follow-up operation by state forces a few hours later. The commander of the Philippine military’s Western Mindanao Command said that the killing of the two IS-inspired leaders was a “significant breakthrough” against DI.26 The United States State Department also commented on the news, saying it was the result of the Philippines’ “persistent and years-long effort to rid the country of ISIS.”27 DI-Maute Group activity has declined significantly since the 2017 Marawi siege. Thus far in 2023, ACLED records four political violence events involving the DI-Maute Group, compared to 182 in 2017.

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Vietnam: Rare violence in the Central Highlands

On 14 June, armed assailants attacked the headquarters of the People’s Committees of Ea Tieu and Ea Ktur communes in Dak Lak province, located in the Central Highlands of Vietnam.28 A total of nine people were reportedly killed, including four police officers, two commune officials, and three villagers, while two other police officers sustained serious injuries. Three civilians who had been taken hostage were eventually released unharmed. The authorities seized a significant cache of weapons, including guns, grenades, bullets, and detonators.29 In the aftermath of the incident, dozens of suspects were charged for their alleged involvement in the attack. The Central Highlands are home to the Montagnard ethnic minority, who have faced restrictions and land confiscations by the government.30 The motive behind the attack remains unclear, though police have attempted to link the assailants to the defunct separatist group United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races, saying that flags of the group were found among the attackers’ belongings. Montagnard organizations have denied any association with the violence.31

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More Regional Overviews

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Regional Overview: Europe & Central Asia | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-europe-central-asia-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-europe-central-asia-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 19:06:07 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51358 Analysis of the latest trends in political violence and disorder across Europe and Central Asia during the month of June 2023

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Regional Overview
Europe & Central Asia
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

Armenia-Azerbaijan: Fighting intensifies further amid near-complete blockade of Artsakh

Armed clashes along the Armenia-Artsakh1-Azerbaijan Line of Contact more than doubled in June compared to May. Overall levels of armed violence reached their highest point since the latest major spike in hostilities in the region in autumn 2022. ACLED records 126 armed clashes in June, compared with 82 and 87 in September and November last year. In addition to hotspots around Artsakh and along Armenia’s eastern border with Azerbaijan, a significant number of ceasefire violations occurred around the Armenian town of Yeraskh on the border with Azerbaijan’s Nakhchivan exclave. During fighting in June, at least four military fatalities were reported, all due to Azerbaijani drone strikes at Artsakh positions on 28 June. 

Amid escalating tensions, Armenian forces shot at Azerbaijani border guards attempting to install an Azerbaijani flag in front of a Russian peacekeepers’ border checkpoint on 15 June. The Russian checkpoint is located on a bridge over the Hakari river, where Azerbaijan installed a checkpoint of its own in late April. The incident led to Azerbaijan completely closing the Lachin corridor linking Armenia and Artsakh, intensifying the humanitarian crisis in the latter.2 Azerbaijan subsequently allowed medical evacuations from Artsakh to Armenia and the movement of medical supplies to the enclave,3 after Russian peacekeepers airlifted a critically ill baby from Artsakh to Armenia.4 Despite the violence and inflammatory announcements, both sides claimed unspecified progress during United States-mediated peace talks on a draft agreement.5 Prior to the negotiations, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov dismissed Armenian demands that security guarantees be provided to ethnic Armenians remaining in Artsakh as part of any settlement.6 In addition, a senior Azerbaijani military officer threatened the use of force against Artsakh armed formations in response to “provocations or illegal actions.”7 

The conflict over Artsakh has persisted since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Artsakh won a secession war against Azerbaijan in 1994, with the latter regaining parts of Artsakh and adjacent areas after another war in 2020.

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France: Police shooting of teenager sparks nationwide riots

A video of a police officer fatally shooting a teenager of North African heritage on 27 June during a traffic check in Nanterre, a suburb west of Paris, triggered a wave of riots in about 250 French cities and towns. While reminiscent of the unrest prompted by the death of two teenagers in a police chase in 2005, the rioting has extended beyond the poorer outskirts of French cities.8 It has been the worst outburst of street violence since ACLED coverage began in 2020, exceeding levels of violent demonstrations triggered by minimum retirement age reforms since the beginning of the year. The demonstrations quickly deteriorated, with some participants smashing windows, setting cars and buildings on fire, throwing fireworks at riot police, and barricading streets. The capital city of Paris and the surrounding area, as well as other major urban centers, including  Marseille, Lyon, Toulouse, and Strasbourg, were particularly affected. There were also multiple reports of shops looted. A youth died when he fell while attempting to break into a shop from its roof in Petit-Quevilly in northwestern France. Authorities struggled to re-impose public order despite deploying thousands of police officers to the streets at night9 and imposing curfews in dozens of cities and towns.10 About 700 police personnel were injured11 in clashes with rioters, over 3,000 of whom were detained.12 

Mayor’s offices and municipal buildings, along with other public buildings such as schools and police stations, appeared to have been particularly targeted, with reports of at least 150 incidents. There were also reports of targeting mayors, including direct attacks and setting their vehicles on fire. In an incident that occurred overnight on 2 July in L’Haÿ-les-Roses, a suburb south of Paris, perpetrators rammed open and set alight the house of a mayor, whose wife and two children had to escape the flames while the mayor was guarding the mayor’s office.13 The woman and one of the children were injured as a result. The violence prompted rallies in support of local officials and calls for a “return to civil peace.”14 The riots appeared to be waning following the weekend of 30 June. The police officer who shot the teenager in Nanterre is being investigated for manslaughter.   

For more information on violence against officials in France and the European Union at large, see ACLED’s special project on violence targeting local officials

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Kosovo-Serbia: Standoff over northern Kosovo municipalities continues

Demonstrations continued unabated in northern Kosovo in response to an attempt by Kosovan authorities in late May to install ethnic Albanian mayors in Serb-majority areas following the mass boycott of snap local polls. Ethnic Serbian residents in Kosovo’s Mitrovica region took to the streets almost daily, also demonstrating against the arrests of members of the ethnic Serbian community suspected of targeting peacekeepers and journalists during clashes the previous month. Journalists covering demonstrations were again targeted on four occasions in June. Kosovo police arrested a Serb mob leader on 13 June, and Sergian forces detained three Kosovan police officers in a border area between Kosovo and Serbia the following day, further fuelling tensions in the region.15 Kosovo authorities beefed up security checks on the border with Serbia and briefly closed two border crossings.16 

Amid ongoing tensions, EU Foreign Policy Chief Josep Borrell hosted separate emergency talks with Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić on 22 June, demanding a de-escalation of the crisis and the re-run of the disputed mayoral elections in northern Kosovo.17 Following the talks, Serbia released the three detained Kosovan policemen on 26 June.18 Meanwhile, Kosovo Prime Minister Kurti reiterated his willingness to re-run the mayoral elections in northern Kosovo, with the condition that at least 20% of constituents petition for them.19 Furthermore, local authorities designated two Serbian groups operating in northern Kosovo as ‘terrorist’ groups on 29 June,20 a step that may lead to continuing tensions. 

Ethnic Albanian-majority Kosovo broke away from Serbia in 2008 in the aftermath of the civil war occurring a decade earlier. The issue of granting self-governance to ethnic Serbian-majority areas in northern Kosovo has remained unresolved since, leading to frequent flare-ups in the region.21

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Russia: Wagner Group rebels

The Wagner Group’s simmering dispute with the Russian Ministry of Defense came to a head on 24 June, prompted by the ministry’s order earlier that month that all armed “volunteer formations” come into its fold.22 On the morning of 24 June – after having accused regular Russian units of targeting a Wagner camp in the occupied part of Ukraine’s Donbas on the eve23 – a 10,000-strong group with heavy weapons crossed into Russia and occupied military sites in and near Rostov-on-Don and Voronezh. Meeting no apparent resistance from the regular military and law enforcement, the group continued toward Moscow, ostensibly seeking to hold the defense ministry’s leadership to account.24 

In response, Russian authorities accused the group of launching an armed rebellion, blocked major highways leading to Moscow, and announced a counter-terrorist operation.25 The Russian Air Force bombed advancing Wagner columns during their initial drive on Rostov-on-Don and subsequent move in the Voronezh region, losing six military helicopters, a command-and-control bomber jet, and 13 crew members in the process.26 A projectile fired by a Wagner fighter aiming at a Russian military chopper hit a kerosene tanker in Voronezh city prompting a massive fire. Later in the day, Russian air forces blew up a bridge near the Voronezh region’s town of Borisoglebsk. Three civilians, including a child, were injured while crossing the bridge in a car.      

In the evening, when Wagner columns had reached the Lipetsk region about 200 kilometers south of Moscow, Belarus President Alexander Lukashenka claimed to have negotiated a settlement with the Wagner Group leader Yevgeny Prigozhin. Lukashenka claimed Prigozhn agreed to return his columns to Wagner camps in exchange for amnesty and a safe haven in Belarus.27 President Vladimir Putin subsequently offered Wagner Group members a choice of either entering into contracts with the Ministry of Defence, quitting, or re-deploying to Belarus.28

Force generation issues due to the war against Ukraine since February 2022 have led to a proliferation of paramilitary groups created by Russian regional authorities and private conglomerates. Subsequently, this has stirred strife with the regular Russian army and among the irregular armed formations themselves. This deteriorating internal insecurity comes at a time of increasing direct spillover of the Ukraine war in Russia’s border regions. The number of cross-border shelling incidents increased to 180 in May from a base of about 50 events on average since October 2022, and rose by a further quarter in June. Moreover, drone strikes on areas further away from the border continued. Pro-Ukrainian Russian militants also undertook another raid across the border in the Belgorod region, in addition to an incursion in the same region the previous month and two other raids in March and April.

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Ukraine: Russia destroys critical dam to stave off Ukrainian counter-offensive

On 6 June, in the Kherson region, the Nova Kakhovka dam on the Dnipro river collapsed following the alleged detonation of explosives by Russian forces. The dam’s collapse led to the flooding of dozens of settlements downstream, leading to the reported deaths of 21 civilians in Ukrainian-controlled areas and 46 others in the Russian-occupied part of the region, with scores missing and thousands displaced.29 This contributed to an over 60% increase in civilian fatalities in June compared to May. An internal blast at the Kakhovka Hydroelectric Power Plant occupied by the Russian forces likely caused the destruction of the dam.30 The resulting flood may have blocked potential Ukrainian crossing of the river,31 though the flood also washed away Russian defenses on the Dnipro shore.32 While Russian occupation authorities were slow to respond to the unfolding humanitarian crisis,33 Russian forces shelled evacuating civilians in and near the city of Kherson, reportedly killing at least six people, including a pregnant woman, and wounding about 40 others. Russia also denied the United Nations access to affected areas.34 Elsewhere in Ukraine, indiscriminate Russian shelling, aerial and missile strikes, and the debris from intercepted projectiles and drones led to over 130 civilian fatalities, with Donetsk, Kherson, Zaporizhia, and Dnipropetrovsk regions among the most affected. 

The overall levels of violence in Ukraine have been on a slow upward trend, in line with the ACLED Conflict Alert System (CAST) projections. While shelling events remained at similar levels compared to May, armed clashes surged significantly in the Zaporizhia region and also increased in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Despite initial setbacks since the beginning of the counter-offensive in early June,35 Ukrainian forces liberated a string of settlements south of Velyka Novosilka in the Donetsk region near the boundary with the Zaporizhia region as well as several settlements in the latter region south of Orikhiv. In addition, Ukrainian forces secured marginal gains around recently Russian-captured Bakhmut. Fighting also continued to be concentrated on the Avdiivka-Donetsk city line and the Kupiansk-Svatove-Kreminna line further north on the boundary between Luhansk and Kharkiv regions. 

For more information, see ACLED’s Ukraine Conflict Monitor

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For additional resources and in-depth updates on the conflict in Ukraine, check our dedicated Ukraine Crisis Hub.

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1    The disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan. ACLED refers to the de facto state and its institutions in the ethnic Armenian majority areas of Nagorno-Karabakh as Artsakh — the name by which the de facto territory refers to itself. For more on methodology and coding decisions around de facto states, see this methodology primer.

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Regional Overview: United States & Canada | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-united-states-canada-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-united-states-canada-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 16:57:49 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51354 Analysis of trends in political violence and disorder across the United States and Canada in June 2023.

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Regional Overview
United States & Canada
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

United States: Ongoing far-right militia, militant social movement, and white supremacist training events and other activities

Activity involving far-right groups and militant social movements continued at a roughly stable rate in June compared to May. In Arizona – the state with the highest levels of far-right activity in June – the Lions of Liberty, along with the Maricopa County, Chino Valley, and Verde Valley Preparedness Teams, continued to hold regular informational recruitment meetings. Meanwhile, Veterans on Patrol (VOP) activity in Arizona increased moderately in June, while Proud Boys activity roughly doubled following a lull in activity in May. All Proud Boy activity in June involved anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations, in line with the increasing engagement of far-right groups on anti-LGBTQ+ issues observed in 2022 (for more, see ACLED’s fact sheet: Anti-LBGTQ+ Mobilization in the United States). The group also participated in two violent demonstrations in Glendale, California.1

Openly white supremacist activity also continued in June. A coalition of white supremacist organizations, including various Active Clubs, the Rose City Nationalists (RCN), Vinland Rebels, and White Lives Matter affiliates, formed in early 2023 called the Northwest Nationalist Network (3N). This coalition became more active in demonstrations in June, attending at least two anti-LGBTQ+ events. In addition, a training and networking event involving Patriot Front and the Cincinnati Active Club suggests that coalition-building between openly white supremacist groups may be increasing. Meanwhile, the Goyim Defense League (GDL) increased its distribution of antisemitic fliers last month, dropping them in California, Georgia, Missouri, New York, and Pennsylvania. Over half of these flier distributions occurred in California. The GDL was also present at two demonstrations at synagogues in Florida on 23 and 24 June. During the 23 June demonstration, the group’s leader was arrested for disorderly conduct. White nationalist fliers were also distributed by groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, Patriot Front, and White Lives Matter (WLM). As a result, June marked the largest number of recorded flier drops in a single month by these groups since ACLED began collecting data for the United States in 2020.

Patriot Front activity decreased moderately overall in June compared to May. However, affiliates of the group held training sessions in at least nine different states and dropped banners in at least seven. Additionally, they were present in at least two separate anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations. Meanwhile, white supremacist Active Clubs – inspired by and loosely affiliated with the Rise Above Movement – also held training sessions in three states and participated in two anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations, marking the most active month for Active Clubs since 2020.

Despite ongoing cross-pollination between various far-right militant social movements and white supremacist groups, a notable incident during a 24 June anti-LGBTQ+ demonstration in Oregon City, Oregon, may have marked a turning point in the relationships between certain actors. During the demonstration, members of the Proud Boys brawled with the members of the RCN, pulling face coverings off of RCN members’ faces, removing the public anonymity that members of both groups generally try to preserve. The brawl appears to have originated from a personal dispute but involved multiple members of both groups.2 Following the fight, acrimony between the two groups appears to have spread online. Members of white nationalist Telegram channels openly threatened and criticized the Proud Boys, and at least one Proud Boys chapter distanced itself from others as a “Rebel Chapter” that openly embraces white nationalism.3 At the same time, other Proud Boy chapters showed support for the chapter in Oregon and posted anti-white supremacist messages.

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United States and Canada: Rise in pro-LGBTQ+ and anti-LGBTQ+ activity during Pride Month

During Pride Month in June, demonstrations in opposition to LGBTQ+ rights rose to the highest single-month levels ever recorded in the United States. Following a trend seen in previous months, many of these demonstrations were held in opposition to drag and Pride events, in addition to other forms of LGBTQ+ expression as well as gender-affirming care. Anti-LGBTQ+ activity was recorded in 26 states and Washington, DC during the month, but concentrated in California, New York, and Texas, with just under 20% of all anti-LGBTQ+ events taking place in California. Nevertheless, demonstrations supporting LGBTQ+ rights outpaced anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations by more than double, and around half of all anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations were met by opposing demonstrators who showed support for LGBTQ+ rights. 

Similarly, Canada experienced its highest recorded levels of both pro-LGBTQ+ and anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations since ACLED began collecting data for the country in 2021. Pro-LGBTQ+ demonstrations outpaced anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations by roughly 50%. Anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations occurred in five provinces, with over 50% of these demonstrations taking place in Ontario. Over 70% of anti-LGBTQ+ demonstrations were met by opposing demonstrators showing support for LGBTQ+ rights.

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See the Codebook and the User Guide for an overview of ACLED’s core methodology. For additional documentation, check the Resource Library. Region-specific methodology briefs can be accessed below.

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More Regional Overviews

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Regional Overview: Middle East | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-middle-east-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-middle-east-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 13:23:24 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51325 Analysis of trends in political violence and disorder across the Middle East for the month of June 2023.

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Regional Overview
Middle East
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

Iran: Crackdown on Kurdish militants in northwestern Iran

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) conducted armed operations throughout June against the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK) and other Kurdish armed groups in Kurdish-majority districts bordering Turkey and Iraq. IRGC forces shelled Kurdish positions and engaged in armed clashes that left at least three Iranian soldiers dead. IRGC operations focused on the provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kermanshah where, overall, political violence increased ninefold in June compared to the month prior. This most recent activity comes after Iranian state forces targeted Iranian Kurdish groups in Iraqi Kurdistan in 2022, accusing them of inciting unrest inside Iran (for more see the ACLED 2023 Conflict Watchlist Report). Amid the increasing violence, the IRGC appointed two new regional commanders on 26 June.1 Several Iranian Kurdish armed groups – including PJAK and others – have been engaged in armed struggle against the Iranian government for decades demanding cultural rights, autonomy, and in some cases, outright independence.

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Iraq: PKK-Turkey fighting expands to Erbil and Sulaymanyya after Turkish presidential election

Following the re-election of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on 28 May, Turkish forces have expanded the geographic scope of their operations against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in Iraq. Between February and May 2023, Turkish activity was predominantly concentrated in the northern Duhok province. However, in June, Turkish airstrike and artillery events surged in northern Erbil province by over 200% compared to the month prior, reaching the highest level recorded by ACLED since October 2021. Similarly, the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT) broadened its operations by assassinating three PKK officials near Chamchamal city and a member of the PKK-linked Mesopotamian Workers Union in al-Sulaymaniyya. Previously, MIT operations were primarily focused in Sinjar, Ninewa province, and the rural mountains of Duhok province.

Meanwhile, on 13 June, the PKK ended a unilateral ceasefire that began in February, citing continued anti-PKK operations.2 The ceasefire served the official purpose of facilitating earthquake rescue efforts. It also aimed to support opposition parties in Turkish elections, anticipating that their victory could lead to renewed peace talks with the Turkish state.3 Following Erdogan’s re-election, PKK attacks surged in Erbil and Duhok provinces, including explosive attacks on Turkish forces – the first since late 2022. Turkey and the PKK are engaged in a long-standing conflict over ethnic rights in southeastern Turkey and across the border in Iraq and Syria.

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Israel and Palestine: Heightened tensions in the West Bank following Israeli raid on the Jenin camp

Tensions in the West Bank continued to be at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict last month. ACLED records a 20% increase in political violence in the West Bank in June compared to the month prior.  Three major incidents drove the escalation of violence. On 19 June, Israeli forces raided Jenin city to arrest wanted Palestinians, prompting deadly clashes with militants from Fatah, Hamas, and PIJ. The clashes resulted in the reported deaths of five militants and two civilians, and injuries to at least 90 Palestinians and eight Israeli soldiers. The raid ignited a cycle of violence and retaliations. On 20 June, Hamas militants attacked a gas station in the Eli settlement near Nablus, killing at least four Israelis before being shot and killed by armed settlers. In response to the attack, on 21 June, hundreds of settlers attacked the Palestinian village of Turmus Ayya while under the protection of the Israeli military. Settlers destroyed Palestinian property and exchanged fire with Palestinian gunmen, killing one Palestinian and injuring 13 others.

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Lebanon: Rare outbreak of violence in lands disputed with Israel

Tensions flared on the border between Lebanon and the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, resulting in a fivefold increase of political disorder in the southern Hasbaya district in June compared to the monthly average of the year prior. On 7 June, a Lebanese farmer prevented an Israeli bulldozer from carrying out digging operations on his land at Kafr Shuba. The video of the incident went viral, triggering a wave of demonstrations against Israeli activities.4 On 9 and 11 June, rioters tried to break the border fence around Kafr Shuba and hurled stones towards Israeli forces who responded by firing tear gas. Lebanese forces and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) were deployed to contain the clashes.

According to pro-Israeli sources, demonstrations were allegedly orchestrated by Hizbullah, who also established two manned observation posts in the nearby Shibaa farms – an area claimed by Lebanon, Israel, and Syria.5 Meanwhile, on 21 and 22 June, several demonstrators marched towards al-Majdiyya in solidarity with protests by members of the Druze community against Israel’s plans to build wind turbines on the Golan Heights.6 The situation on the Lebanese-Israeli borders remains fraught due to Israel’s continued occupation of the Kafr Shuba hills and Shibaa farms, which were seized during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and are subject to competing claims by Lebanon.

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Yemen: Heightened AQAP violence in Shabwa

In Yemen, political violence involving al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) remained at high levels in June after recording a sharp increase in May. The group continued to use drones in Shabwa and IEDs in Abyan governorate to target forces affiliated with the secessionist Southern Transitional Council (STC). In response to AQAP’s novel drone strategy – which was first documented in May 2023 – two suspected US drone strikes targeted AQAP positions in Shabwa, killing at least one AQAP leader. Combined with several AQAP ground assaults against STC forces, these events contributed to June recording the highest levels of violence involving AQAP in Shabwa since the regionalization of the Yemen war in March 2015. AQAP activity in Shabwa increased over fourfold in June compared to the average of the previous six months. Following the Houthis’ ouster of the internationally recognized government from Sanaa in 2014, Yemen spiraled into a war that has been exploited by AQAP to expand its activity (for more on AQAP activity in Yemen in recent years, see this ACLED report).

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Middle East: Quran burning in Sweden sparks demonstrations across the region

On 27 June, the first day of the Muslim festivity of Eid al-Adha, an Iraqi refugee tore up a copy of the Quran and set it on fire outside Stockholm’s main mosque, in Sweden. The Swedish police had authorized the sit-in – in line with the country’s free-speech policy – but  later charged the protester with “agitation against an ethnic or national group.”7 Furthermore, Sweden’s Foreign Minister condemned the act, describing it as “Islamophobic.”8

The incident sparked outrage and demonstrations in the Muslim world. Several countries summoned Swedish ambassadors in protest,9 while others – including Morocco and Jordan – recalled their ambassadors from Stockholm.10 In the Middle East, ACLED records demonstrations in Bahrain, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Iraq, and Yemen in response to the Quran burning. Iraq saw the highest number of events, with prominent Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr calling for demonstrations demanding the removal of the Swedish ambassador,11 resulting in a crowd briefly storming the Swedish embassy in Baghdad.12 

In January 2023, a Quran-burning incident triggered widespread demonstrations in the Middle East, particularly in Turkey, Yemen, and Iraq. Following the incident, Turkey’s President Erdogan stated that Sweden should not expect Turkish support for its NATO membership.13 Similarly, the recent incident could impact the upcoming NATO meeting on 6 July, where Sweden’s membership will be discussed.14

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See the Codebook and the User Guide for an overview of ACLED’s core methodology. For additional documentation, check the Resource Library. Region-specific methodology briefs can be accessed below.

Links:

More Regional Overviews

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Regional Overview: Latin America & the Caribbean | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-latin-america-and-the-caribbean-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 12:57:52 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51329 Analyiss of trends in political violence and disorder across Latin America & the Caribbean in June 2023.

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Regional Overview
Latin America & the Caribbean
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

Argentina and Brazil: Legislative moves triggered mass demonstrations by Indigenous groups over land rights amid persisting violence targeting Indigenous communities

Indigenous communities engaged in mass demonstrations in Argentina and Brazil in response to reforms restricting Indigenous land rights. In Argentina, demonstrations spiked in the northwestern Jujuy province against reforms to the province’s constitution that prohibit the setting of roadblocks as part of demonstrations, facilitate mining activities on Indigenous lands, and enable private property on disputed territories.1 While demonstrations were mostly peaceful, civil society organizations have criticized the response by state forces, with over 170 demonstrators reportedly injured in clashes with police on 20 June.2 In response to the demonstrations, the Jujuy provincial government withdrew some of the planned reforms limiting Indigenous land rights but maintained penalties criminalizing the setting roadblocks during demonstrations – a move allegedly aimed at securing the operations of mining companies.3Members of Indigenous communities have faced targeted violence in Argentina. Since 2018, ACLED has recorded almost 20 incidents of violence targeting Indigenous groups across the country, including attacks by state forces during evictions and by members of other local communities as part of land conflicts.

Meanwhile, in Brazil, members of Indigenous groups demonstrated across the country against the approval of Bill 490/07 by Brazil’s lower house. The legislation restricts Indigenous communities’ rights to obtain land titles for lands that they did not inhabit on 5 October 1988, when the Brazilian Constitution was enacted, thus, restricting them from reclaiming ancestral lands from which they had previously been displaced.4 Demonstrations were mostly peaceful and took place in at least 16 of Brazil’s 26 states, with greater mobilization in the Mato Grosso do Sul, Santa Catarina, and São Paulo states. The draft bill was approved in May but its promulgation is pending the Supreme Court of Justice’s decision over a specific land demarcation dispute in Santa Catarina state.5 The legislative proposal continues the policies of former President Jair Bolsonaro to undermine Indigenous rights. Under his mandate, the government weakened agencies protecting Indigenous rights, such as the National Indigenous People Foundation (FUNAI), and actively promoted extractivism on Indigenous lands.6 These policies contributed to the increased targeting of members of Indigenous communities by organized crime groups, who seek to capture natural resources.7 Since 2018, ACLED records over 100 violent incidents targeting members of Indigenous communities and properties, including incidents against FUNAI offices.

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Colombia: Armed groups continue to attack political candidates ahead of regional elections

Armed groups continued to target political candidates ahead of Colombia’s regional elections scheduled for 29 October. During the month of June, ACLED records five incidents in the departments of Antioquia, Cauca, Cesar, Norte de Santander, and Valle del Cauca. While the majority of attacks were perpetrated by unidentified actors, attacks were also attributed to the Gulf Clan and the National Liberation Army (ELN). On 12 June, the ELN set fire to the vehicle of a Colombian Liberal Party candidate for mayor in San Cayetano, Norte de Santander. The attack came despite the signing of a six-month ceasefire agreement between the ELN and the government on 9 June, which is due to come into effect on 3 August. Despite the ceasefire between the Colombian government and the ELN being significant, experts are concerned that the ceasefire may not effectively address violence in the country. 

Rebel, criminal, and insurgent groups use violence and intimidation to establish territorial control over certain areas, undermine democratic institutions, and weaken the legitimacy of the state.8 As of 16 June, more than 12 mayors have been forced to exercise their functions outside their municipalities due to increased threats from armed groups operating in these areas.9 Some of this violence, however, is also driven by competing candidates themselves, as observed during the 2019 regional and municipal elections (for more, see ACLED Special Project on Violence Targeting Local Officials).10

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Guatemala: Heightened levels of violence targeting candidates and party supporters surrounding the first round of the general elections

Levels of political violence were at heightened levels ahead of Guatemala’s general election on 25 June. Among the violence, there were multiple attacks on candidates, including the killings of Victoria and National Unity of Hope (UNE) party candidates running for councils in the Sololá and Chiquimula departments, respectively, by unidentified gunmen. Between the beginning of the year and election day, ACLED records 14 violent incidents targeting political figures and infrastructure, including candidates, voters, party supporters, and headquarters. The perpetrators remain unknown in many cases amid enduring impunity, corruption, and a lack of independence of judicial powers.11 The violence comes in spite of a non-aggression agreement signed by 27 of the 30 parties running in the general elections.12 Violence also continued on the day of voting and its immediate aftermath, with rioters burning ballots, looting voting polls, and setting roadblocks to denounce irregularities and fraud in the election of municipal officials. ACLED records riots in at least 10 of the country’s 22 departments of the country, with heightened levels of violence in rural areas. 

The presidential election resulted in the unexpected qualification of the presidential candidates of the center-left party UNE and the left-wing party Semilla for the run-off scheduled for 20 August.13 The vote was also marked by 17% null ballots, which experts have interpreted as an expression of voters discontent, notably stemming from the Electoral Tribunal Court’s ruling against the participation of three opposition presidential candidates.14 Despite the recognition of the election results by local and international organizations,15 the Constitutional Court suspended the officialization of the results on 1 July, after nine political parties filed complaints of irregularities. These developments raise concerns of political interference in the electoral process.16

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Honduras: Deadly gang violence triggers the militarization of prisons and the declaration of yet another state of exception

On 20 June, jailed members of the Barrio 18 gang (B-18) attacked another group of inmates inside a women’s prison in Támara, Francisco Morazán department. The attack left 46 women dead, including members of the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13). According to some prisoners, MS-13 members had previously received threats from inmates affiliated with B-18, who control most of the units of the reclusion center.17 Despite measures to reinforce security inside prisons after deadly clashes between gang-affiliated prisoners in April, prison riots have continued, increasing in June compared to the month prior. In response to the incident, President Xiomara Castro appointed the Military Police of Public Order as the coordinator of jail security across the country as of 1 July,18 a move that further contributes to the militarization of law enforcement.

The attack in Támara comes amid a wider intensification of gang violence in the country. In the northern department of Cortés, gangs have carried out deadly attacks against civilians, contributing to a rise in the reported number of political violence-related fatalities in June compared to the month prior. Following these attacks, the government ordered a 15-day special curfew in Choloma and San Pedro Sula cities, in addition to a state of exception that has been in force in those municipalities since 6 December 2022.19

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Jamaica: The government declares a state of emergency in Saint Catherine parish amid increasing gang-related violence

Targeted attacks against civilians by unidentified suspects drove an increase in violence in Saint Catherine parish. Although the perpetrators remain unknown in most attacks, Jamaican authorities have attributed the general increase in violence in this parish to gang actions, citing the presence of 12 active gangs.20 On 17 June, it announced a 14-day state of emergency in the parish,21 setting provisions to enhance the power of police to fight gangs. The measure has been criticized for driving worsening police brutality and limiting civil liberties,22 as well as its limited efficiency. Since December 2022, the government enacted similar measures in more than a dozen parishes,23 without any significant reduction in homicides in the country. In June, ACLED records at least 31 political violence events in Jamaica likely stemming from gang activity. During the first six months of 2023, ACLED records an 11% increase in political violence compared to the same period in 2022. In July, the ACLED Conflict Alert System (CAST) foresees similar levels of violence against civilians. 

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Mexico: The targeting of environmental activists continues with the killing of two activists in Mexico state

Unidentified suspects killed two environmental activists in separate attacks in Tlalmanalco de Velazquez, Mexico state on 12 and 13 June. Both victims were academics from the Autonomous Metropolitan University (UAM) and had advocated for the defense of water resources and sustainable agriculture.24 While preliminary investigations suggest that both attacks were related to robberies, representatives of the UAM claim that criminal groups likely targeted the victims for their activism.25 Organized crime groups have targeted environmental activists, sometimes with the support of private actors, for advocating against large infrastructure projects or extractive activities.26 The attacks come amid a heat wave and drought that has led to water scarcity across the country,27 triggering demonstrations over water access in at least 14 states. Activists have denounced the pollution and excessive use of water resources for farming activity, which has contributed to the current water supply crisis.28 Thus far in 2023, ACLED records at least eight attacks against environmental activists in the country. These events contributed to an increase in the level of violence against civilians in Mexico state.

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Argentina y Brasil: Las medidas legislativas desencadenaron manifestaciones masivas de grupos indígenas por los derechos sobre la tierra, en medio de la persistente violencia contra las comunidades indígenas.

Las comunidades indígenas protagonizaron manifestaciones masivas en Argentina y Brasil en respuesta a las reformas que restringían sus derechos sobre la tierra. En Argentina, las manifestaciones se intensificaron en la provincia noroccidental de Jujuy contra las reformas de la Constitución provincial que prohibían el bloqueo de carreteras en el marco de manifestaciones, facilitaban las actividades mineras en tierras indígenas y permitían la propiedad privada en territorios en disputa.1 Aunque las manifestaciones fueron en su mayoría pacíficas, las organizaciones de la sociedad civil han criticado la respuesta de las fuerzas del Estado. Según los informes, más de 170 manifestantes resultaron heridos en enfrentamientos con la policía el 20 de junio.2  En respuesta a las manifestaciones, el gobierno provincial de Jujuy retiró algunas de las reformas previstas que limitaban los derechos de los indígenas sobre la tierra, pero mantuvo las sanciones que penalizaban el bloqueo de carreteras durante las manifestaciones, una medida supuestamente encaminada a garantizar las operaciones de las empresas mineras.3 Los miembros de las comunidades indígenas son el blanco continuo de la violencia en Argentina. Desde 2018, ACLED registra al menos 17 sucesos dirigidos contra grupos indígenas en todo el país, incluidos ataques de fuerzas estatales durante desalojos y de miembros de comunidades locales en el marco de conflictos por la tierra.

Mientras tanto, en Brasil, miembros de grupos indígenas se manifestaron en todo el país contra la aprobación del proyecto de ley 490/07 por la Cámara Baja brasileña. La ley restringe el derecho de las comunidades indígenas a obtener títulos de propiedad de tierras que no habitaban hasta el 5 de octubre de 1988, cuando se promulgó la Constitución brasileña, lo que les impide reclamar tierras ancestrales de las que habían sido desplazadas anteriormente.4 Las manifestaciones fueron en su mayoría pacíficas y tuvieron lugar en al menos 16 de los 26 estados brasileños, con mayor movilización en los estados de Mato Grosso do Sul, Santa Catarina y São Paulo. El proyecto de ley se aprobó en mayo, pero su promulgación está pendiente de la decisión del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia sobre un litigio concreto de demarcación de tierras en el estado de Santa Catarina.5 La propuesta legislativa continúa la política del expresidente Jair Bolsonaro de socavar los derechos indígenas. Bajo su mandato, el gobierno debilitó organismos de protección de los derechos indígenas, como la Fundación Nacional del Indígena (FUNAI), y promovió activamente el extractivismo en tierras indígenas.6 Estas políticas contribuyeron al aumento de los ataques contra miembros de comunidades indígenas por parte de grupos de delincuencia organizada, que buscan capturar recursos naturales.  Desde 2018, ACLED registra más de 100 incidentes violentos dirigidos contra miembros de comunidades y propiedades indígenas, incluidos incidentes contra oficinas de la FUNAI.

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Colombia: Los grupos armados siguen atacando a candidatos políticos antes de las elecciones regionales.

Los grupos armados siguieron atacando a candidatos políticos, antes de las elecciones regionales de Colombia previstas para el 29 de octubre. Durante el mes de junio, ACLED registró al menos cinco incidentes violentos contra candidatos en los departamentos de Antioquia, Cauca, Cesar, Norte de Santander y Valle del Cauca. Aunque la mayoría de los ataques fueron perpetrados por actores no identificados, también se atribuyeron ataques al Clan del Golfo y al Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). El 12 de junio, el ELN incendió el vehículo de un candidato del Partido Liberal Colombiano a la alcaldía de San Cayetano, Norte de Santander. El ataque se produjo a pesar de la firma, el 9 de junio, de un acuerdo de alto el fuego de seis meses entre el ELN y el gobierno, que debe entrar en vigor el 3 de agosto. A pesar de que el alto el fuego entre el gobierno colombiano y el ELN es significativo, los expertos temen que no sirva para atajar eficazmente la violencia en el país.

Los grupos rebeldes, criminales e insurgentes utilizan la violencia y la intimidación para establecer el control territorial sobre determinadas zonas, socavar las instituciones democráticas y debilitar la legitimidad del Estado.7 Desde el 16 de junio, más de 12 alcaldes se han visto obligados a ejercer sus funciones fuera de sus municipios debido al aumento de las amenazas de los grupos armados que operan en estas zonas.8 Sin embargo, parte de esta violencia también está impulsada por los propios candidatos que compiten, como se observó durante las elecciones regionales y municipales de 2019 (para más información, vea ACLED Special Project on Violence Targeting Local Officials [Proyecto Especial de ACLED sobre la violencia contra los funcionarios locales]).9

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Guatemala: Aumento de los niveles de violencia contra candidatos y simpatizantes de partidos en torno a la primera vuelta de las elecciones generales.

Los niveles de violencia política aumentaron en vísperas de las elecciones generales celebradas en Guatemala el 25 de junio. Entre los actos de violencia, se produjeron múltiples ataques contra candidatos, incluidos los asesinatos de los candidatos de los partidos Victoria y Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza (UNE) que se presentaban a las elecciones municipales en los departamentos de Sololá y Chiquimula, respectivamente, a manos de pistoleros no identificados. Entre principios de año y el día de las elecciones, ACLED registra 14 incidentes violentos dirigidos contra personalidades e infraestructuras políticas, incluidos candidatos, votantes, simpatizantes de partidos y sedes. Los autores siguen siendo desconocidos en muchos casos en medio de la impunidad, la corrupción y la falta de independencia de los poderes judiciales.10 La violencia se produce a pesar del acuerdo de no agresión firmado por 27 de los 30 partidos que concurren a las elecciones generales.11 La violencia también continuó el día de la votación e inmediatamente después, con alborotadores quemando papeletas, saqueando urnas y colocando barricadas para denunciar irregularidades y fraude en la elección de cargos municipales. ACLED registra disturbios en al menos 10 de los 22 departamentos del país, con mayores niveles de violencia en las zonas rurales.

Las elecciones presidenciales se saldaron con la inesperada clasificación de los candidatos presidenciales del partido de centro-izquierda UNE y del partido de izquierdas Semilla para la segunda vuelta prevista para el 20 de agosto.12 La votación también estuvo marcada por un 17 % de votos nulos, que los expertos han interpretado como una expresión del descontento de los votantes, especialmente derivado de la sentencia del Tribunal Electoral contra la participación de tres candidatos presidenciales de la oposición.13 A pesar del reconocimiento de los resultados electorales por parte de organizaciones locales e internacionales,14 el Tribunal Constitucional suspendió la oficialización de los resultados el 1 de julio, después de que nueve partidos políticos presentaran denuncias de irregularidades. Estos hechos hacen temer injerencias políticas en el proceso electoral.15

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Honduras: La violencia mortal de las bandas desencadena la militarización de las prisiones y la declaración de otro estado de excepción.

El 20 de junio, miembros encarcelados de la pandilla Barrio 18 (B-18) atacaron a otro grupo de reclusas dentro de una prisión de mujeres en Támara, departamento de Francisco Morazán. En el ataque murieron 46 mujeres, entre ellas miembros de la Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13). Según algunas reclusas, miembros de la MS-13 habían recibido previamente amenazas de reclusas afiliadas a B-18, que controlan la mayoría de las unidades del centro de reclusión.16 A pesar de las medidas para reforzar la seguridad dentro de las prisiones tras los enfrentamientos mortales entre presos pertenecientes a bandas en abril, los motines en las cárceles han continuado, aumentando en junio en comparación con el mes anterior. En respuesta al incidente, la presidenta Xiomara Castro nombró a la Policía Militar de Orden Público como coordinadora de la seguridad en las cárceles de todo el país a partir del 1 de julio,17 una medida que contribuye aún más a la militarización de las fuerzas del orden.

El atentado de Támara se produce en un contexto de intensificación de la violencia de las bandas en el país. En el departamento septentrional de Cortés, las bandas han perpetrado ataques mortales contra civiles, lo que ha contribuido a aumentar el número de víctimas mortales relacionadas con la violencia política en junio en comparación con el mes anterior. A raíz de estos ataques, el gobierno ordenó un toque de queda especial de 15 días en las ciudades de Choloma y San Pedro Sula, además del estado de excepción vigente en esos municipios desde el 6 de diciembre de 2022.18

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Jamaica: El Gobierno declara el estado de emergencia en la parroquia de Santa Catalina ante el aumento de la violencia relacionada con las bandas.

Los ataques selectivos contra civiles perpetrados por sospechosos no identificados provocaron un aumento de la violencia en la parroquia de Saint Catherine. Aunque los autores de la mayoría de los ataques siguen siendo desconocidos, las autoridades jamaiquinas han atribuido el aumento general de la violencia en esta parroquia a las acciones de las bandas, citando la presencia de 12 bandas activas.19 El 17 de junio, anunció un estado de emergencia de 14 días en la mencionada parroquia,20 que establece disposiciones para aumentar el poder de la policía en la lucha contra las bandas. La medida ha sido criticada por impulsar el empeoramiento de la brutalidad policial y limitar las libertades civiles,21 así como su limitada eficacia. Desde diciembre de 2022, el gobierno promulgó medidas similares en más de una docena de parroquias,22 sin una reducción significativa de los homicidios en el país. En junio, ACLED registra al menos 31 sucesos de violencia política en Jamaica, probablemente derivados de la actividad de las bandas. Durante los seis primeros meses de 2023, ACLED registra un aumento del 11 % de la violencia política en comparación con el mismo periodo de 2022. En julio, el Sistema de Alerta de Conflictos (CAST) de ACLED prevé niveles similares de violencia contra civiles.

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México: Continúa la persecución de activistas medioambientales con el asesinato de dos en el Estado de México

Sospechosos no identificados mataron a dos activistas medioambientales en sendos ataques perpetrados en Tlalmanalco de Velázquez, estado de México, los días 12 y 13 de junio. Ambas víctimas eran académicos de la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (UAM) y habían abogado por la defensa de los recursos hídricos y la agricultura sostenible.23 Aunque las investigaciones preliminares sugieren que ambos ataques estaban relacionados con robos, los representantes de la UAM afirman que es probable que los grupos criminales eligieran como objetivo a las víctimas por su activismo.24 Los grupos de delincuencia organizada han atacado a activistas medioambientales, a veces con el apoyo de agentes privados, por oponerse a grandes proyectos de infraestructuras o actividades extractivas.25 Los ataques se producen en medio de una ola de calor y sequía que ha provocado escasez de agua en todo el país,26 desencadenando manifestaciones por el acceso al agua en al menos 14 estados. Los activistas han denunciado la contaminación y el uso excesivo de los recursos hídricos para la actividad agrícola, lo que ha contribuido a la actual crisis de abastecimiento de agua.27 En lo que va de 2023, la ACLED registra al menos ocho agresiones contra activistas ambientales en el país. Estos hechos contribuyeron a incrementar el nivel de violencia contra civiles en el estado de México.

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Regional Overview: Africa | June 2023 https://acleddata.com/2023/07/06/regional-overview-africa-june-2023/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=regional-overview-africa-june-2023 Thu, 06 Jul 2023 10:59:35 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51321 Analysis of trends in political violence and disorder across Africa for the month of June 2023.

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Regional Overview
Africa
June 2023

Posted: 6 July 2023

Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda: Cross-border ADF violence

In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Uganda, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) launched around 20 attacks and reportedly killed at least 100 civilians in June. In recent months, the ADF has increased its targeting of civilians. In June, civilian targeting made up 80% of the total number of violent events involving the ADF – up from an average of 60% in the year prior. While the ADF primarily operates in eastern DRC, they carried out a high-profile attack on the Lhubiriha Secondary School in Uganda on 16 June. The attack reportedly left at least 37 students and seven other civilians dead, making it the deadliest event in Uganda since the Kasese violence in November 2016. Following the school attack, Ugandan military forces actively pursued the ADF into DRC, clashing near the Talia and Mwalika rivers and leading to several reported ADF fatalities, including an ADF commander in Mwalika, Nord-Kivu. In addition, recent reports show evidence of ADF militants and supporters sent on scouting missions to new areas with aims for the ADF to expand operations into Kinshasa, Tshopo, Haut-Uélé, and South-Kivu provinces of DRC.1

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Madagascar: Growing banditry and violent demonstrations ahead of presidential elections in November

Dahalo banditry continued to worsen near urban centers last month as political tensions grew amidst electricity cuts and inflation in the lead-up to presidential elections on 9 November. In the capital region of Analanga, violence involving dahalo rose for the third consecutive month, while levels of dahalo violence remain elevated across the country compared to the monthly average in 2022. Recognizing the growing insecurity, the Council of Ministers decided in May to recruit 4,000 volunteer soldiers – called zazavao – to support the military operations against dahalo.2

Amidst the growing insecurity and upcoming elections, demonstrations more than doubled in June compared to the monthly average over the past year – reaching the highest level recorded since May 2012, when widespread calls by teachers’ unions and demands for media freedom led to a spike in protests. Demonstrators mobilized around a range of issues, including ongoing electricity load shedding and tensions around the authorization of political meetings of the opposition I Love Madagascar (TIM) party led by former President Marc Ravalomanana.3 Police officers dispersed TIM supporters several times in June after security forces put up barricades to stop supporters from reaching meeting points. Violence was prevalent at the demonstrations, with 78% of events involving violent or destructive activity, primarily burning tires and blocking roads.

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Senegal: Demonstrations rise after the sentencing of Ousmane Sonko

In June, demonstrations rose 40% compared to the month prior. This is the third consecutive month of increasing demonstrations as PASTEF supporters protested against the sentencing of opposition party leader Ousmane Sonko to two years in prison. While Sonko was acquitted of the charge of rape, he was charged with “corrupting young people,” meaning that he was found to have acted immorally towards an individual younger than 21.4 Demonstrations took place across the country, with 45% occurring in Dakar,and elevated levels seen in Sedhiou and Thies regions. Police responded to 65% of the demonstrations, making numerous arrests and resulting in at least 20 reported fatalities. For PASTEF, the arrests and case against Sonko are politically motivated to block his presidential ambitions.5 The elevated demonstrations in June follow a recent spike in PASTEF demonstrations in March 2023 against politically motivated arrests and the potential third term of current president Macky Sall. While total demonstrations were higher in March of this year, riots in June reached the highest level since March 2021, when PASTEF supporters protested against Ousmane Sonko’s previous arrest.

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Sierra Leone: Election-related violence as incumbent Julius Maada Bio wins a second term

General elections on 24 June resulted in the re-election of incumbent Julius Maada Bio of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) over contender Samura Kamara of the All People’s Congress (APC). The ruling SLPP also won 60% of parliamentary seats, or 81 seats, compared to the 54 seats won by the APC.6 The month of June was marked by increased violence between SLPP and APC supporters, with eight violent events recorded between the two groups resulting in two reported fatalities. Overall, political violence remained elevated in June, with event numbers more than double the monthly average over the past year and concentrated in the Southern province. In response to the party-related violence and disorder, security forces conducted raids and made numerous arrests in June, especially targeting APC supporters and active or retired soldiers. Police also raided the APC headquarters in Freetown during a post-election press conference, using tear gas and live ammunition to disperse the meeting.

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Sudan: Rising contestation in South Kordofan between SAF, RSF, and SPLM-N Abdelaziz al-Hilu faction

As the fighting between military forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continued into its third month, violence rose in South Kordofan state, resulting in over 60 reported fatalities. While violence remained highest in Khartoum, political violence events in South Kordofan rose from only three events in April and a single event in May to 15 events last month, tripling from the monthly average in South Kordofan state over the past year. In several areas of the state, the Abdelaziz al-Hilu faction of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) clashed with the SAF, with less frequent clashes between the SAF and the RSF. SPLM-N Abdelaziz al-Hilu faction fighters overtook SAF military bases in Gardood Toro, Kadugli, Kululu Terai, Kologi, Teis, Daldako, Um Suran, Hamra, and Jabal Abul in South Kordofan. In addition, the RSF seized a SAF base in Tyba. The seizure of these bases in South Kordofan may permit SPLM-N Abdelaziz al-Hilu militants increased access to weapons and strategic positions, enabling the group’s further engagement in operations in the coming months. Since the war between the SAF and the RSF began on 15 April, ACLED has recorded 800 political violence events and nearly 3,400 reported fatalities across Sudan. Fighting persisted in June despite numerous truce agreements between the SAF and RSF.

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République démocratique du Congo et Ouganda : des violences transfrontalières commises par les FDA

En République démocratique du Congo (RDC) et en Ouganda, les Forces démocratiques alliées (FDA) ont mené une vingtaine d’attaques et auraient tué au moins 100 civils au cours du mois de juin. Au cours des derniers mois, les FDA ont davantage ciblé les civils. Au mois de juin, les violences visant les civils ont représenté 80 % du nombre total d’événements violents dans lesquels les FDA étaient impliquées, contre une moyenne de 60 % l’année précédente. Bien que les ADF soient principalement actives dans l’est de la RDC, elles ont mené une attaque très médiatisée contre l’école secondaire de Lhubiriha, en Ouganda, le 16 juin. Celle-ci aurait fait au moins 37 morts parmi les élèves, et sept parmi d’autres civils, ce qui en fait l’événement le plus meurtrier en Ouganda depuis les affrontements de Kasese en novembre 2016. À la suite de l’attaque contre l’école, les forces militaires ougandaises ont activement pourchassé les FDA en RDC, provoquant des affrontements près des rivières Talia et Mwalika, qui auraient fait plusieurs victimes dans les rangs des FDA, dont un commandant des FDA à Mwalika, dans le Nord-Kivu. En outre, selon plusieurs rapports récents, des militants et sympathisants des FDA auraient été envoyés en mission de reconnaissance dans de nouvelles régions, dans le but d’étendre les opérations du groupe aux provinces de Kinshasa, de la Tshopo, du Haut-Uélé et du Sud-Kivu en RDC.1

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Madagascar : Montée du banditisme et manifestations violentes à l’approche des élections présidentielles de novembre

Le banditisme des dahalo a continué de se multiplier près des centres urbains le mois dernier, alors que les tensions politiques s’accroissent dans un contexte de coupures d’électricité et d’inflation à l’approche des élections présidentielles du 9 novembre. Dans la région de la capitale, Analanga, les violences commises par les dahalo ont progressé pour le troisième mois consécutif, tandis que le niveau des violences commises par les dahalo restent élevés dans tout le pays par rapport à la moyenne mensuelle de 2022. Conscient de l’insécurité croissante, le Conseil des ministres a décidé en mai de recruter 4 000 soldats volontaires (zazavao) en soutien aux opérations militaires contre les dahalo.2

Dans un contexte d’insécurité croissante et d’organisation des élections, les manifestations ont plus que doublé en juin par rapport à la moyenne mensuelle de l’année dernière, atteignant le niveau le plus élevé enregistré depuis mai 2012, lorsque de nombreux appels lancés par les syndicats d’enseignants et des demandes en faveur de la liberté des médias avaient entraîné une recrudescence des manifestations dans le pays. Les manifestations se sont structurées autour de plusieurs problématiques, notamment le délestage électrique et les tensions liées à l’autorisation de réunions politiques du parti d’opposition J’aime Madagascar (TIM) dirigé par l’ancien président Marc Ravalomanana.3 Les forces de police ont dispersé les partisans du TIM à plusieurs reprises en juin, après que les forces de sécurité ont érigé des barricades pour empêcher les partisans d’atteindre certains lieux de réunion. Les manifestations du mois de juin ont été en grande partie violentes, 78 % d’entre elles ayant débouché sur des actes de violence ou de destruction, principalement la mise à feu de pneus et le blocage de routes.

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Sénégal : Augmentation des manifestations après la condamnation d’Ousmane Sonko

En juin, les manifestations ont augmenté de 40 % par rapport au mois précédent. Il s’agit du troisième mois consécutif d’augmentation des manifestations, marquées par les protestations du partisans du PASTEF contre la condamnation du chef du parti, Ousmane Sonko, à deux ans de prison. Bien que Sonko ait été acquitté du délit de viol, il a été accusé de “corruption de la jeunesse”, ce qui implique qu’il a été reconnu coupable d’avoir agi de manière immorale envers une personne âgée de moins de 21 ans.4 Des manifestations ont été organisées dans tout le pays, 45% d’entre elles ayant été enregistrées à Dakar, et un nombre élevé ayant lieu dans les régions de Sédhiou et de Thiès. La police est intervenue dans 65% des manifestations, procédant à de nombreuses arrestations et causant la mort d’au moins 20 personnes. Selon le PASTEF, l’arrestation et les poursuites engagées contre Sonko sont motivées par des considérations politiques visant à entraver ses ambitions présidentielles.5 La hausse des manifestations en juin fait suite à un récent pic de manifestations des partisans du PASTEF en mars 2023 pour dénoncer des arrestations politiques et l’éventualité d’un troisième mandat de l’actuel président, Macky Sall. Alors que le nombre total de manifestations était plus élevé en mars de cette année, les émeutes de juin ont atteint leur niveau le plus élevé depuis mars 2021, lorsque les partisans du PASTEF s’étaient mobilisés contre la précédente arrestation d’Ousmane Sonko.

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Sierra Leone : Des violences liées au contexte électoral, alors que le président sortant Julius Maada Bio remporte un second mandat

Les élections générales du 24 juin ont reconduit le président sortant Julius Maada Bio, du Parti du peuple de Sierra Leone (SLPP), face à son concurrent Samura Kamara, du Congrès de tout le peuple (APC). Le SLPP, parti au pouvoir, a également remporté 60 % des sièges au Parlement, soit 81 sièges, contre 54 sièges pour l’APC.6 Le mois de juin a été marqué par une augmentation des violences entre les partisans du SLPP et de l’APC, avec huit événements violents enregistrés entre les deux groupes, qui auraient fait deux morts. Dans l’ensemble, le niveau de violence politique est resté élevé en juin, avec un nombre d’événements plus de deux fois supérieur à la moyenne mensuelle de l’année dernière, et une concentration dans la province du Sud du pays. Face à la violence et aux troubles partisans, les forces de sécurité ont mené des raids et procédé à de nombreuses arrestations en juin, en ciblant particulièrement des partisans de l’APC et des soldats actifs ou à la retraite. Les forces de police ont également procédé à une descente au siège de l’APC à Freetown, lors d’une conférence de presse post-électorale, faisant usage de gaz lacrymogène et de balles réelles pour disperser ceux qui participaient à la réunion.

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Soudan : Montée des contestations dans le Kordofan méridional entre les SAF, les RSF et la faction Abdelaziz al-Hilu du SPLM-N

Alors que les affrontements entre les Forces armées soudanaises (SAF) et les Forces de soutien rapide (RSF) sont entrés dans leur troisième mois, les violences ont augmenté dans l’État du Kordofan méridional, faisant plus de 60 victimes selon les rapports. Alors que les violences restent au plus haut à Khartoum, les violences politiques dans le Kordofan méridional sont passées de seulement trois événements en avril et un seul en mai à 15 événements le mois dernier, triplant ainsi la moyenne mensuelle affichée par l’État du Kordofan méridional au cours de l’année écoulée. Dans plusieurs régions de l’État, la faction Abdelaziz al-Hilu du Mouvement populaire de libération du Soudan-Nord (SPLM-N) s’est opposée aux SAF, tandis que les affrontements entre les SAF et les RSF ont été moins fréquents. Les combattants de la faction Abdelaziz al-Hilu du SPLM-N ont pris le contrôle des bases militaires des SAF à Gardood Toro, Kadugli, Kululu Terai, Kologi, Teis, Daldako, Um Suran, Hamra et Jabal Abul dans le Kordofan méridional. En outre, les RSF se sont emparées d’une base des SAF à Tyba. La prise de ces positions dans le Kordofan méridional pourrait permettre aux militants du SPLM-N d’Abdelaziz al-Hilu d’accéder plus facilement à des armes et à des positions stratégiques, ce qui faciliterait l’engagement du groupe dans des opérations au cours des mois à venir. Depuis le début des hostilités entre les SAF et les RSF le 15 avril, ACLED a enregistré 800 événements de violence politique et près de 3 400 morts dans l’ensemble du Soudan. Les combats se sont poursuivis en juin, malgré plusieurs trêves conclues entre les SAF et les RSF.

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See more

See the Codebook and the User Guide for an overview of ACLED’s core methodology. For additional documentation, check the Resource Library. Region-specific methodology briefs can be accessed below.

Links:

For additional resources and in-depth updates on the latest political violence and protest trends, check our local observatories for Mozambique and Ethiopia, as well as our special Nigeria Election Violence Tracker project.

More Regional Overviews

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Somalia Situation Update: June 2023 | Political Turmoil Threatens the Fight Against Al-Shabaab https://acleddata.com/2023/06/30/somalia-situation-update-june-2023-political-turmoil-threatens-the-fight-against-al-shabaab/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=somalia-situation-update-june-2023-political-turmoil-threatens-the-fight-against-al-shabaab Fri, 30 Jun 2023 16:13:40 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51187 Analysis of the latest political violence and protest trends in Somalia, as of June 2023.

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Situation Update | June 2023

Somalia: Political Turmoil Threatens the Fight Against Al-Shabaab

30 June 2023

Somalia at a Glance: 27 May-23 June 2023

VITAL TRENDS

  • ACLED records more than 200 political violence events and over 700 fatalities from 27 May to 23 June 2023. Violence remains centered in Lower Shabelle region where al-Shabaab launched dozens of attacks targeting African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) forces.
  • Galgaduud region had the highest number of reported fatalities, with over 280 recorded during this period. Lower Shabelle followed, with just over 200. Al-Shabaab militants claimed the killing of more than 220 Somali soldiers during two attacks in Ceel Dheer district of Galgaduud on 30 May.
  • The most common event type was battles, with over 120 events, followed by explosions/remote violence, with nearly 60 events. Clashes between al-Shabaab and ATMIS forces constitute over 40% of all battle events during the reporting period.

Political Turmoil Threatens the Fight Against al-Shabaab

Political infighting has undermined the counter-insurgency campaign waged by the Somali government against al-Shabaab over the past few months. The offensive was announced to enter its second phase in March, expanding operations to southern regions after recapturing several strategic al-Shabaab strongholds in Hirshabelle and Galmudug. However, the offensive has been stalled. A dispute in Hiiraan region between Hirshabelle state deputy president and the Hiiraan governor over tax collection jeopardized the support of the Hawadle clan in Hiiraan, as they claimed they did not receive payments. The dispute further escalated as the Hirshabelle state president sacked the Hiiraan governor on 16 June.1 Meanwhile, factional disputes also arose in Lower Shabelle, Nugaal, and Gedo regions over local power dynamics, further complicating the political terrain. 

The political disputes put a pause on the second phase of the counter-insurgency operation, and as a result, fighting between al-Shabaab and security forces has decreased in recent months (see graph below); with ACLED recording a decrease of over 50% in armed interactions since September 2022, when the operation had just launched. However, as ATMIS began withdrawing troops,  al-Shabaab attacks against ATMIS forces continued to increase.2 It is clear that al-Shabaab militants have made use of the political disputes as an opportunity to regroup, plan, and carry out high-profile attacks. This report examines the different political crises engulfing Somalia and their impact on al-Shabaab activities throughout the country.

Multiple Political Crises Stall Counter-Insurgency Efforts

On 16 June, Hirshabelle State President Ali Abdullahi Hussein sacked Hiiraan Governor Ali Jeyte Osman after the latter opposed the state government’s attempt to transfer authority over tax collection. Ali Jeyte has been a key figure in the ongoing operation against al-Shabaab and played a significant role in mobilizing Hawadle clan militias to support Somali security forces in the counter-insurgency operation. Following his dismissal, Ali Jeyte refused to relinquish his position and announced the secession of Hiiraan from Hirshabelle, in a move that was supported by both federal and local lawmakers from Hiiraan.3 

However, the political infighting triggered disorder. In Belet Weyne town, dozens of demonstrators took to the streets in support of the ousted governor. Segments of the Hawadle clan loyal to Ali Jeyte promptly mobilized in reaction to his ouster; armed men blocked the runway of the Ugass Khalifa Airport in Belet Weyne, while others vacated security checkpoints in various parts of the town. Moreover, about 200 Hawadle clan militiamen who supported the ousted governor arrived in Belet Weyne town from Maxaas and other villages. Armed with heavy weapons, the gunmen took positions along the town’s main road, where most government institutions and security stations are situated. However, segments of the Hawadle clan also gathered and barricaded the town’s main supply routes and institutions in support of the newly appointed governor. According to some sources, Ali Jeyte had been earlier accused of denying promotion to security forces from some Hawadle sub-clans. These events highlight the simmering clan-based tensions in Hiiraan. In 2020, the contested election of Ali Abdullahi Hussein as Hirshabelle state president and opposition to a power-sharing agreement ignited armed clashes in the region. 

Political turbulence also spread to other parts of the country. Tensions surfaced in Jubaland and Southwest states, where the federal government planned to expand its counter-insurgency campaign. On 7 June, Jubaland State President Ahmed Madobe appointed a new governor and four deputies for Gedo region. However, the current Gedo administration rejected the appointments4 (for more on the political dispute in Gedo region and its impact on the counter-insurgency operation in Somalia, see ACLED’s April 2023 Somalia Situation Update). In the Southwest, disputes between clan-based security forces over tax collection turned violent in June, with members of the Somali army, mainly hailing from the Haawiye clan, clashing with Southwest police forces from the Rahanweyne clan in Lower Shabelle.5

In semi-autonomous Puntland state, a section of Puntland security forces from Majeerteen Isse Mohamud sub-clan, led by General Jimcale Jamac Takar, along with opposition leaders, accused Puntland State President Said Abdullahi Deni of seeking to extend his term. As the state parliament was debating constitutional changes in the election system from indirect state-level election to a one-person-one-vote system in the upcoming election on 20 June, opposition forces clashed with Puntland police forces in Garowe town, Nugaal region. At least 26 people were reportedly killed. Traditional elders brokered a ceasefire the next day.6 The current Puntland administration is on the way to achieving direct voting by the next election, set for 8 January 2024.7

As all attention was focused on the political disputes in Hiiraan, Lower Shabelle, Gedo, and Nugaal regions, al-Shabaab militants began regrouping and planning attacks. Al-Shabaab also made movements in Hirshabelle state, where the counter-insurgency operation had begun and succeeded in overtaking several strategic locations from the militants. On 13 June, locals reportedly saw al-Shabaab militants crossing the Shabelle River in Dhoqor and Faaf-Gumare villages near Belet Weyne town.

Al-Shabaab Exploits Political Crises to Escalate Fighting

The federal government’s efforts to continue the second phase of the operation resulted in a reshuffle of the top leadership of Somalia’s security forces in June. On 19 June, President Mohamud sacked the army chief, General Odowaa Yusuf Rageh, who played an important role during the counter-insurgency operation and supported the deployment of clan militias.8 This is the first major change made by the president since coming to office in May 2022, with the aim of expediting the second phase of the operation, which has slowed down in recent months due to political infighting in different states.

Meanwhile, al-Shabaab militants used the lull in the operation and launched high-profile attacks in southern and central Somalia, particularly against ATMIS forces.From 27 May to 23 June, ACLED records over 60 incidents of political violence between al-Shabaab and ATMIS forces. Over 73% of these events occurred in Lower Shabelle region (see map below). The ATMIS mandate is set to expire in December 2024, with its forces gradually transferring bases to Somali Armed Forces. By the end of June, ATMIS is mandated to withdraw 2,000 soldiers from Somalia.9

The majority of al-Shabaab attacks against ATMIS forces targeted the ATMIS Ugandan contingent in Lower Shabelle, where an al-Shabaab attack on 26 May left dozens of Ugandan soldiers dead in Bulo Mareer town. On 6 June, al-Shabaab fired mortar shells toward ATMIS Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) and Somali forces at a defensive base in Golweyn village, reportedly killing at least three UPDF soldiers. Additional attacks in and around Golweyn  over the next few days resulted in more casualties among Ugandan forces. 

Nearly a dozen al-Shabaab attacks were also recorded against the ATMIS Ethiopian contingent in Bay, Bakool, and Gedo regions during the reporting period (see map above). On 7 June, in Doolow town of Gedo region, near the border of Ethiopia, two al-Shabaab suicide bombers targeted the ATMIS Ethiopian National Defence Force (ENDF) base and ammunition store. While al-Shabaab claimed to have killed 123 ENDF soldiers and injured 78 others, the ENDF dismissed the claims and said it had repelled the attack and killed six al-Shabaab combatants.

The recent political turmoil in Somalia highlights the urgent need for strong institutions and the completion of the constitution to end the unresolved disputes across the country. Following success in the first phase of the offensive, the state and federal presidents’ sacking of Governor Ali Jeyte Osman and General Odowaa Yusuf Rageh represents a step back for the counter-insurgency operation as both spearheaded the fight against al-Shabaab militants by mobilizing and supporting clan militias. The significant disputes in Hiiraan and Gedo regions and the clan-based clashes in Baraawe and Garowe in Puntland state, have allowed al-Shabaab militants to make movements and launch high-level attacks that threaten the continuation and expansion of the operation to Jubaland and Southwest states.

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Update: Addition of Tag Covering Violence Against Local Officials https://acleddata.com/2023/06/28/update-addition-of-tag-covering-violence-against-local-officials/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=update-addition-of-tag-covering-violence-against-local-officials Wed, 28 Jun 2023 09:34:30 +0000 https://acleddata.com/?p=51020 Local government officials and administrators — including governors, mayors, councilors, and other civil servants — frequently come under attack by a wide array of armed actors, from cartels waging turf wars in Mexico to Russian occupying forces in Ukraine (see the ACLED report Administering Violence: An ACLED Special Project on Violence Targeting Local Officials).…

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Local government officials and administrators — including governors, mayors, councilors, and other civil servants — frequently come under attack by a wide array of armed actors, from cartels waging turf wars in Mexico to Russian occupying forces in Ukraine (see the ACLED report Administering Violence: An ACLED Special Project on Violence Targeting Local Officials). To systematically monitor this phenomenon and identify emerging trends, ACLED introduced a tag to track violence against local officials into the event dataset.

Violence targeting local officials and administrators is tracked for all countries covered by ACLED back to 1 January 2018, or their start-date of ACLED coverage, whichever is most recent (see ACLED’s country and time period coverage list).

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